Charles Crain

Reporting from Iraq

On the road
I left Baghdad this morning and am now in Amman.

I skipped town during an odd interlude.  Violence in Baghdad is down, with American and Iraqi troops all over the most dangerous neighborhoods in the city.  Word is the killings are down 30 percent.  That's good news and it's significant.  Whether it's of long-term signficance remains to be seen.  There's a fine line you have to walk with this kind of news.  I'm more than happy to report it, but a lot of people seem to want more than that.  They want analysis saying that this proves things are about to start heading in the right direction.  That's possible.  I'm inclined to be skeptical and that skepticism is based on past experience, not a lack of respect for Iraqis or the United States military.

In January of 2005 I thought the elections were going to be marred by low turnout and violence.  I was wrong about that.  Up in Mosul and Tal Afar with the 25th Infantry and the Stryker guys I saw a very small segment of a huge nation-wide effort to suppress the insurgency ahead of the elections.  From what I saw it was a masterful plan carried out with tremendous competence and energy.  It was a good news story and I was happy to report it.  But while things would undoubtedly be a lot worse right now if the insurgents had wrecked that election, the election alone did not "turn around" the situation in Iraq.  The same over-arching issues that fueled the violence before January 2005 continued to do so after January 2005.

Similarly, after the US military and the Iraqi security forces finish their security sweeps in Baghdad's worst neighborhoods, they will probably not have altered the dynamic of the sectarian conflict in Iraq.  All the commanders readily agree that's the case; what they say they're doing now is getting the violence down to a level where Iraqi forces can assume day-to-day responsibility for security and the government has room to pursue national reconciliation.  So, as I think I wrote a few days ago, the real test of this operation has little to do with short-term drops in violence and everything to do with the Iraqi government, the Iraqi Army and the Iraqi Police.

All that said, I don't sneer at the current success even if it is temporary.  If the latest statistics are accurate the operation is saving lives.  And things seemed a bit more normal on the streets yesterday.  So normal that the traffic is back to its usual snarl.  I was heading to a press conference in the Green Zone yesterday (it was officially a mystery guest; the mytery guest turned out to be the US attorney general).  We didn't take our usual route because traffic was absurd; apparently the fuel shortage has eased and everyone was out trying to buy cheaper gas.  So we took the long way around, through neighborhoods that used to be quiet, ritzy Sunni enclaves but are now pretty dodgy.

Traffic was heavy, people were on the streets, and things seemed about as normal as you could expect.  There were Iraqi soldiers manning checkpoints and looking pretty professional.  I started thinking about what a strange war this is—an insurgency against the US while Sunnis and Shiites wage a double insurgency against each other's civilians, politicians and fighters.  It's a frustrating war to cover (not that I've covered any others) because so much happens beneath the surface.  I was thinking in this vein as we drove through Mansour on a big four-lane parkway.  We drove past an Iraqi military base surrounding by high concrete blast walls, by a mosque with an Iraqi soldier out front protected by sandbags, a free-standing blast barrier and a machine gun.

Further on up the road I heard a few gunshots.  It got my attention, but I assumed it was Iraqi soldiers or police clearing traffic in their usual aggressive fashion by shooting into the air.  But there was another rat-a-tat-tat, and we saw the cars ahead of us driving across the parkway to head in the other direction or turning onto side streets.  There was some discussion in Arabic and the driver said there was fighting up ahead.  He asked if I wanted to go back to the house.  I thought for a second and said, "Let's just drive somewhere you think is safe and we'll figure it out from there."  We turned off onto a side street, looped around and came back up onto the main drag.  By the time we'd done so the right-hand lane of traffic had reversed entirely and was jammed full of cars slowly moving away from the trouble down the road.  In the distance I heard a few thudding rounds from a heavy machine gun.

We merged back into traffic.  There was an Iraqi police truck trying to move towards the fighting, which was tough when hundreds of cars wanted to go in exactly the opposite direction.  Once it was beyond us I heard someone firing very nearby—someone in the truck shooting at the sky to clear traffic.  I told the driver what he already knew—that we should make sure not to barrel ahead too quickly or we might surprise anxious cops or soldiers driving towards us.  But there was no drama; we maneuvered through traffic, crossed over into the right-hand lane, and made it back to the house without a problem.

One thing I won't miss about Iraq is the commute.

I'm going to keep blogging even while I'm out of Iraq.  There'll be plenty to write about.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/30/2006 11:39 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Bon voyage
I'm flying out of here to Amman tomorrow morning (actually, this morning—it's almost 1 am here).  I ended up having a slightly busier day than I thought, partially because it was busy and partially because I let things drag on.  But when I get to the hotel tomorrow I'll write a bit about my last day in town.  Kind of an appropriate coda to the trip.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/29/2006 11:54 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Punditry vs. journalism
Andy McCarthy, National Review Online:

At the press conference, Steve Centanni stated that he and Olaf Wiig "were forced to convert to Islam at gunpoint."

Will Reuters, which thought the "conversion" was newsworthy, report on that?

Or will we get the usual slew of "mainstream" Muslim experts who tell us that in Islam "there is no compulsion in religion," and that jihad is "the inner struggle against sin"?

Posted at 10:55 AM [Eastern Time, I believe]

Reuters, 2:08 PM, BST [9:08 AM Eastern Time, I believe]:

By Nidal al-Mughrabi

GAZA (Reuters) - Militants in the Palestinian Gaza Strip freed two kidnapped journalists from the American Fox News Channel on Sunday after forcing them at gunpoint to say in a videotape they had converted to Islam.

Correspondent Steve Centanni, a 60-year-old American, and New Zealand-born cameraman Olaf Wiig, 36, looked happy but tired after two weeks of captivity in the Palestinian coastal strip.

A previously unknown group called the Holy Jihad Brigades had made a sweeping demand for the United States to free Muslim prisoners in exchange for the release of the men.

"I am really fine, healthy, in good shape and so happy to be free," Centanni told the Fox Channel.

He said that he and Wiig had been forced at gunpoint to say they were converting to Islam.

"I'm thinking: 'Oh God, a remote warehouse with a big noisy generator, they could simply shoot me in the head and nobody would hear it'," Centanni said.

"I have the highest respect for Islam ... but it was something we felt we had to do because they had the guns and we didn't know what the hell was going on."

...A statement from the captors before the men were freed had said the two journalists had to choose either Islam, a tax imposed on non-Muslims to be paid to a Muslim ruler, or war.

"They chose Islam, and that is a gift God gives those whom he chooses," the statement said.

______________________________


Fortunately for McCarthy he's from the Podhoretzian school of punditry (e.g., "Would we be better off in Iraq if we massacred all adult male Sunnis?  Just askin'!") and technically didn't accuse Reuters of anything.  If you don't know anything it's a good idea to phrase your arguments in such a way that you can always deny you were saying anything at all.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/27/2006 9:26 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Paul Salopek
Paul Salopek, a foreign correspondent for the Chicago Tribune, was arrested several weeks ago in Sudan and has now been charged with "espionage" and "writing false news."  If things proceed as scheduled he'll be put on trial next month in Darfur, where he, his driver and his interpreter were arrested.

Salopek was on leave from the Tribune working on a story for National Geographic.  Both publications are working to get him released and to make it clear to the Sudanese government that the guy isn't a spy.  I don't think there's much reason for me to go beyond what Salopek's employers have already stated clearly (those links are behind the Trib's registration wall, but registering is easy and free).  Railing against the Sudanese government is redundant.  If you have a passing understanding of Sudan, and know that Salopek and his colleagues were arrested by pro-government forces in Darfur, I think the situation speaks for itself.

Salopek has two Pulitzer Prizes (neither of which is the much-maligned "Pulitzer Prize for Espionage").  In 1998 he won for his coverage of the Human Genome Project; in 2001 he won for his coverage of Africa.  Last month the Trib published his fantastic series on America's consumption of oil, where that oil comes from, and the effects of our oil addiction on the US and the rest of the world.  If that sounds like an invitation to a dry political screed, read the pieces.  He went all over the world—from a gas station in suburban Chicago to a militia safe-house in Nigeria to southern Iraq—and his stories are full of telling details, sympathy and insight.  They exemplify what I admire most about great journalism and what I aspire to in my reporting—telling complicated stories clearly, fairly and with compassion.  He's probably going to win another Pulitzer, and shouldn't be languishing in a Sudanese prison when he does.

Journalism can be a tricky business.  It gets trickier when reporters are subjected to arrest or persecution for doing their jobs.  Asking folks to write their Congressman seems like a weak response, but I'll do it anyway.  In particular, if you're an Illinois resident get in touch with Sen. Durbin or Sen. Obama and ask what they're doing to help get Salopek and his colleagues released (apparently Obama is working on this while he's traveling in Africa).  The Sudanese government has an impressive track record of ignoring the mild-mannered scorn of the international community; it's important to implore the US government to apply some real pressure in this case.

It's important to focus attention, not just on Salopek, but on his driver and translator.  They're both from Chad, which has a rocky relationship with Sudan.  Its government may be unable to help its citizens when they're in peril abroad.  Drivers and translators aren't employees who do menial tasks while reporters do the important work.  They're partners in doing good journalism—any journalism—and an absolutely vital part of working in difficult and remote parts of the world.  They're brave, they're dedicated and in places like Iraq they are sometimes killed on the job.  Tossing them in prison is every bit as much an attack on journalism as imprisoning full-time reporters.

I don't have any in-depth knowledge of the Sudanese government's track record in situations like this or of the specifics of this case.  As far as I know Salopek and his colleagues will be released tomorrow; they could also go on trial as scheduled and run the risk of spending years in jail.  I'm hoping for the former but under the circumstances it's important to work against the latter.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/27/2006 12:46 AM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
I caught my first tube today
Not really, but one of the comments reminded me of an unfairly neglected cinematic masterpiece.  Never fear, I'm not going to find a way to make Point Break relevant to Iraq (except to mention that on one of the nights I spent with the MiTT team in Adhamiya the 101st guys were very excited about watching the Keanu Reeves surfing epic on DVD). 

But Ponce—if you're out there—the email address in your comment is sending me back an error message.  How should I get in touch with you?  I found a passport of yours in Sumatra; missed you by about a week in Fiji.  But I know you wouldn't miss the Fifty Year Storm.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/24/2006 4:48 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Ignorance is bliss
John Podhoretz is delighted to report that, uh, other people are reporting that there's been a drop in violence in Baghdad lately.  But so far this follows the usual pattern—violence gets out of control, the US moves in and sits on the hardest-hit areas, violence declines, the US hands over security duties to Iraqis, and violence ramps up again.

Every single military official I've heard in the past several weeks—a few Iraqis and quite a few Americans—says that the test of this new security push will be how well Iraqi Army and police units perform once the American presence declines again.  They also—very significantly—say that the ultimate solution to the violence is political, not military.  So if you're trying to make predictions about where Iraq will be next month or next year, and not just next week, you'd do well to keep an eye on the Iraqi government and the Iraqi security forces.  One clue to where things stand in the Iraqi government is that everyone is still bending over backwards to avoid naming specific militias as part of the problem.  And the word on the street in some of the targeted neighborhoods is that the insurgents are coming back now that the Americans have swept through and moved on.

But I'm glad to see that Podhoretz has newfound faith that house-to-house searches and civil affairs programs can defeat an insurgency.  It's a cheerier perspective than his coy ruminations on the strategic necessity of genocide.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/24/2006 1:35 AM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
"Perspective"
Since Andrew Sullivan's on vacation I'll take a potshot at Mickey Kaus (for some reason there's no option to link to the specific post).  He writes:

Edward Luttwak notes that

6,821 Americans ...died to conquer the eight square miles of Iwo Jima.

That's more than twice the number of Americans who've died in the entire Iraq war. ... [Rationalization?-ed Perspective.]

It's certainly perspective, but I don't see why it's useful perspective.  If there are people laboring under the misunderstanding that Iraq is one of the bloodiest wars of all time, or that American casualties are astronomical compared to previous American wars, I suppose cluing them in to US military history and the world's sad record of violent death and mayhem is important.  But what's the point of bringing up Iwo Jima in a discussion of Iraq?  If this war wasn't necessary, or if the costs of fighting it are massively greater than the likely costs of avoiding it, then no amount of "perspective" about previous blood-lettings is relevant.  If Kaus wants to defend the war by arguing that the price we and Iraq have paid is acceptable given the gains we're likely to make down the road, he should have at it.  But pointing out that it's not the worst thing that's ever happened, like World War II was, is beside the point.

It's also an argument that quickly becomes offensive.  Maybe it's tempting, out in Los Angeles, to roll your eyes at the ignorant anti-war poseurs in your midst and point out that more Americans died at Iwo Jima than have died in Iraq.  But you'd have to be a harder person to make light of Iraqi civilian casualties in the same way (e.g., "Let's have a little perspective here—about 18,000 innocent Iraqis have died this year, but what's that compared to the 100,000 innocents who died when the US firebombed Tokyo?").  And you'd have to be someone who doesn't value a place in polite American society to turn the argument around and say, "What was the big deal about Sept. 11?  Almost 400,000 innocent people died during the Rape of Nanking, let's have a little perspective about 3,000 people killed in New York and Washington."  People don't (or shouldn't) say things like that because it belittles human suffering and replaces authentic historical perspective with a snide game of "Can you top this?"

Unless you're literally talking about the worst thing that has ever happened you can always be lazy and beside the point by bringing up some previous calamity that dwarfs the one under discussion.  But, for not-so-mysterious reasons, a guy like Kaus—who's still agnostic on whether Iraq will end up being worth it—is happy to trot out Iwo Jima to minimize the bloodshed here but did not minimize Sept. 11 in the run-up to the invasion in 2003.  The thousands of Americans who died on Iwo Jima gave their lives destroying a regime responsible for the Rape of Nanking, a slew of other atrocities, and numerous unprovoked invasions (of China, of the Philippines, of southeast Asia, etc.).  It was a regime that killed millions.  It sought (and at one point largely possessed) imperial control of east Asia and the Pacific.  It was formally allied with Nazi Germany in a war against Britain and the United States, the only surviving liberal democracies with enough men and enough money to stave off the global triumph of genocidal fascism.  What the scale of that conflict has to do with the scale of the conflict in Iraq escapes me, but maybe I just lack the proper historical perspective.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/22/2006 10:21 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Applied conservatism
Andrew Sullivan has weighed in on the tabloid story du jour, saying "I'm a conservative of doubt on this JonBenet arrest."  Which got me wondering:  how do the various schools of conservative thought seek to understand arrests in decade-old child beauty pageant murder cases?

Paleo-conservative:  The perpetrator comes from a culture in which murdering child beauty pageant contestants in their basements is an acceptable practice.  Judging him by our standards and attempting to "change" him is not only arrogant but also dangerous.

Neo-conservative:  If we allow the murder of child beauty pageant contestants in Colorado it's only a matter of time before they're killing child beauty pageant contestants in our own cities.

Realist:  If we attempt to punish this particular murderer of child beauty pageant contestants we set a precedent for intervention in all child murders.  We should only prevent child murder in North Asia and Western Europe, where it might harm our vital interests.

Libertarian:  Yes, we're preventing child murder—but at what cost to our civil liberties and way of life?

Gibsonite conservative:
  The Jews are responsible for all the child beauty pageant murders in the world.

It's tough to be in Iraq and also keep up, at least minimally, with what's going on back in the States.  I can't really tell how big a deal the Ramsey story is.  It's on the front page of most of the news websites I check, but that doesn't necessarily mean people care.  Personally, I'd classify myself as a "conservative of disinterest" on this one.  If this is the guy I'm glad the girl and her family will get some justice.  If he's a warped publicity seeker, that's creepy but not necessarily interesting.  Beyond that the story never grabbed my attention (and I'm not immune to the lure of tabloid journalism).

I wish I could work myself up into a big rant along the lines of, "What kind of a world do we live in where people fixate on a decade-old murder and ignore vital stories like, uh, the one I happen to be covering?"  But I get it—when cute kids from safe neighborhoods get killed in their homes people are going to wonder what the hell happened.  When kids die in Iraq it's one of those things that makes you shake your head and page ahead to the sports section.  People can only handle so much tragedy before their eyes glaze over.

In a weird way, though, this story makes me miss the US.  Not because I wish I were back in Chicago discussing JonBenet over beers at the Hopleaf, but because it makes me realize how cut off I am from what people back in the States think about and care about (and, come to think of it, that "beer at the Hopleaf" part is pretty appealing).  I can't imagine how cut off ex-pats in a place like this would have been only 10 or 15 years ago.  I can sit at my desk and read pretty much any local US paper I want, I can download hours of American music, I can read blogs and baseball recaps.  I can keep up with the same goofy internet fads as everyone else.  I don't watch much TV here but last night I watched a fairly recent episode of Letterman.  I've seen Miami Vice on DVD.

That said, being immersed in internet and TV culture is not the same thing as being immersed in US culture (unless something has gone horribly wrong since I skipped out in April).  I have all the data, but none of the texture.  I'm missing out on the moments and conversations that make up everyday life.  I was talking to Bobby and a couple of western diplomats the other day about Iraqi exiles, and the rude awakening they got when they returned to Iraq during the spring and summer of 2003.  I think they ran into the same problem (magnified by the totalitarian lockdown on information and travel under Saddam's regime).  Many of the exiles are brilliant and well-meaning people, but that isn't enough.  They knew about Iraq, but they didn't really know Iraq. http://www.typepad.com/t/trackback/5713946

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/18/2006 6:07 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Frivolity
I spent the past couple days writing and then revising my story for this week's magazine, so I'm in no state to blog intelligently about Iraq.  Which, I think, is a good state to be in when thinking about the way Iraq is debated by American politicians.  The whole thing seems like theater to me.  The people who are actually here, doing their damnedest to make this work, may be running out of ideas.  They now face the choice of either confronting Shiite militias and risking an anti-American insurgency among Iraq's well-armed and well-organized Shiite majority, or hanging back and allowing sectarian violence to escalate.  Being smart and committed, having a great plan, won't necessarily help anymore.  It's possible every option we now have is a bad option.

But no American politician with anything to lose or gain by discussing the issue of Iraq can say that publicly.  So if you're, say, Ned Lamont, you're stuck taking positions like this:
Lamont emphasized he’d keep U.S. troops right next door in Kuwait ready for action in case they were needed to deter Iran and Iraq’s other neighbors from intervening in its internal politics.

“We’re not abandoning the people of Iraq,” Lamont assured a crowd in Wilton, Conn. six days before he won. “We are going to be there for humanitarian assistance” and reconstruction, he said.

I try not to pay attention to American politics unless absolutely necessary, but this seems less like a "position" and more like a politically-motivated attempt to keep people from realizing that a proposal to admit defeat and leave Iraq is something other than a proposal to admit defeat and leave Iraq.  Iran and Iraq's other neighbors are already intervening in Iraq's internal politics.  What is the Lamont threshold beyond which we would re-deploy our retreated troops to Iraq to do battle with Iran and its proxies in Iraq?  It's a silly question to ask, because the practical answer is that once we leave we'd never go back.  That's certainly one way out of Iraq, but politics doesn't allow anyone to make that argument forthrightly.

Lamont's plan resembles Peter Galbraith's plan.  Here's an excerpt of Galbraith's article, along with some scene-setting by David Frum (Galbraith's article is locked away in the New York Times' online ADMAX).  Galbraith proposes moving American forces to Kurdistan, where they'd be in a pro-American region and close enough to Sunni Iraq that they could sally forth to stomp on any attempt by al Qaeda to establish a foothold.  Again, there are practical considerations—once we leave western Iraq will the public have any stomach for periodic clearing operations in haunted towns like Fallujah, Ramadi and Haditha?  Given our relatively limited ability to gather intelligence on the Sunni insurgency when we're sitting right on top of it, how would we even know if al Qaeda had gained a foothold within the complicated tribal and insurgent networks of Anbar Province?  This seems like an intellectual version of Lamont's predicament—how to practically acknowledge defeat without giving in to the hopelessness defeat will spawn.

I'm not sneering at these proposals.  Personally I don't think the situation is so far gone that retreating from Arab Iraq is our best option.  But it's not crazy to consider that possibility.  I just don't have the stamina to play the eternal optimist and think of a best-case scenario for managing defeat.  The reality may be a lot more dire than even these plans take into account.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/17/2006 11:47 PM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks
Taking the easy way out...
I'm a little distracted by work this week, so I'm reviving my periodic feature, "Respond To A Post By Andrew Sullivan."  I caught myself writing him a letter in response to this post:

The BBC is on the case of the orphanage massacre in Sri Lanka. Good for them. But the MSM seems eerily silent. What do you think the coverage would be if the Israeli government killed 61 children in an anti-terror bombing campaign? Front-page A-1. Sri Lanka? Nada. And people wonder why some of us believe much of the media has an anti-Israel bias.

In the midst of writing my cranky letter it occured to me that, as a member of the dreaded mainstream media, I should broadcast my reaction to my dozens of loyal readers.  So, here it is.  The media doesn't have an "anti-Israel" bias.  It has a "cover Israel" bias.  If Hamas or Hezbollah killed 61 Israeli children in an orphanage the result would be wall-to-wall coverage for days casting the attack, correctly, as a major atrocity.  You don't need to run an off-the-wall thought experiment to figure that out; just think back to how the American media covered Hamas' suicide bombing campaign against Israeli civilians a few years ago.

As for Sri Lanka, it's a painful fact that Americans don't care about places that can't be plausibly linked to vital American interests.  They don't care about places they can't relate to, or about places where there's an expectation (deserved or not) that lots of people will die as a matter of course.  So genocide in Europe causes an outcry (eventually) but genocide in Rwanda earns a shrug—Africa is one of those places where people are just supposed to die horribly.  That's why you can't get anyone to care about the war in Congo that's wrecked central Africa and killed millions of people.  Is insufficient coverage of that bloodbath also an indication that the mainstream media has it in for Israel?

This doesn't even have anything to do with the dreaded MSM's dreaded lack of urgency in covering the war on terror.  When about 200 people died in al Qaeda's attack on Madrid's commuter trains it was a huge story.  It was a huge story when more than fifty people were killed in the London bus and tube bombings.  A month ago more than 200 people died when terrorists attacked Bombay's commuter trains.  Not such a huge story for Americans—and why not?  Part of it is that Iraq is a big story, so attacks on countries that have troops in Iraq matter to Americans.  India may have a problem with Islamic terrorism, but that problem has little to do with America's terrorism problem except at the level of rhetoric and (very) grand strategy.

And an American can walk around Madrid and certainly London and feel somewhat at home in the culture and among the people.  When you see pictures of Madrid or London they obviously look like foreign cities, but in a lot of very important ways they look like American cities, too.  It's hard for most Americans to relate to what life might be like in Bombay, so the destruction of life in Bombay doesn't register.  In a slightly different form it's the same dismissive attitude that allows some people to downplay civilian casualties in Iraq by pointing out that lots of civilians died in Iraq in the 1980s and 1990s.  Hey, dying horribly is just something these folks do—nothing to worry about, really, except as it impacts American interests in the Middle East.

I don't think there's much to be done about this.  People care about things they relate to, and no amount of high-minded devotion to foreign coverage will make Americans care about Sri Lanka.  And what if Americans did care deeply about Sri Lanka?  Would that lead to American involvment in Sri Lanka as extensive as American involvement in the Israeli-Arab conflict?  Would the result be peace and prosperity in Sri Lanka, as American involvement in the Israeli-Arab conflict has brought peace and prosperity to Israel and its neighbors?

I think Sullivan is thinking in this post about the way the media covered civilian deaths in Israel and civilian deaths in Lebanon.  Civilian deaths in Lebanon got a lot more coverage even though Hezbollah was deliberately targeting Israeli civilians.  But the disparity in sheer numbers is staggering—I think dead Lebanese civilians out-number dead Israeli civilians by ten or twenty times.  If the cease-fire holds neither side will have accomplished much (though Hezbollah will have won a signficant victory in terms of morale and propaganda).  So the dead are the only monument to the war.  The dead are the only true monument to any war.  Sullivan's been eloquent lately, in another context, about the tragedy of starting a war that leads to large-scale suffering—even if the war was justified, and even if the suffering was not part of the plan.  He could, I think, profitably apply that mindset to Israel and Lebanon.

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Posted by Charles Crain at 8/16/2006 1:01 AM | View Comments | Add Comment | Trackbacks